During recent years, numerous studies have focused on the impact of different parenting styles. Some of these studies have showed correlations between quality of parenting and the parent’s own early attachment history. The Adult Attachment Interview (AAI) is an assessment tool utilized by researchers to evaluate an individual’s childhood relationships and early attachment experiences.

The AAI usually takes about an hour to administer and includes 20 open-ended questions accompanied by some specific follow-up probes. In order to analyze the results of the assessment, the interview is then completely transcribed so the researcher can not only gather information about childhood memories but also conduct a linguistic analysis of the narrative’s organization and coherence. Hesse (2008) argues that the coherency of a transcript reflects the level of the speaker’s “consistency and connectedness of thought.” During coherence analysis of transcribed interview, the researcher examines both the logic and understandability of the narrative. The AAI groups individuals into the following attachment categories: secure-autonomous, insecure-dismissing, and insecure-preoccupied. These categories demonstrate the individual’s state of mind with respect to his or her overall attachment history.

The transcripts of individuals with secure-autonomous attachment usually tend to include detailed episodic memories of childhood accompanied by an apparent objectivity in the descriptive language used. Individuals with secure-autonomous attachment usually demonstrate a strong integration of their thoughts and feelings. They usually have children who exhibit secure attachment as well. These children demonstrate secure, exploratory behaviors in the Strange Situation, a common attachment study laboratory procedure by which researchers assess an infant’s attachment pattern. During the Strange Situation the mother and her child are placed in an unfamiliar setting, followed by a series of separations where the child is left alone with an unfamiliar researcher. The researcher examines the child’s behavior upon his or her mother’s leaving and returning to the room.

Insecure-dismissing is another attachment style observed in the AAI. The interviews of Insecure-dismissing individuals usually reflect a lack of recall and sometimes a refusal to share distressing childhood experiences with the interviewer. Their narratives tend to be incoherent, often characterized by either idealization or condemnation of their primary attachment figures. Parents with an insecure-dismissing style of attachment tend to have infants who are “dismissing” throughout the Strange Situation.

Finally, individuals with an insecure-preoccupied attachment style exhibit anger toward their primary attachment figure or use vague expressions when talking about their parents. These individuals produce incoherent narratives about their childhood. The children of insecure-preoccupied parents usually demonstrate anxious-ambivalent attachment styles.

In the years after these three categories were developed, researchers defined a fourth group: unresolved or disorganized attachment. Although individuals who exhibit this attachment style might demonstrate any of above narrative styles, they tend to become disoriented during discussions of trauma or loss. Their narratives demonstrate dissociative defenses and unresolved grief.

Since many studies have confirmed the relationship between parent’s attachment styles and those of their children, mental health professionals might play an essential role as a consultant for agencies that place children in adoptive homes. It would be beneficial for children if the agencies administered an AAI before placing children in their adoptive homes. Placing children in homes with at least one parent who demonstrates secure-autonomous attachment will help ensure that the adopted children themselves develop secure attachment patterns.

In addition to playing a role as a consultant for agencies, mental health professionals might also train adoptive parents to become more responsive to the adopted children, thereby facilitating secure attachment. Parent trainers would work closely with foster and adoptive parents to help them work through their own attachment problems and prevent them from passing on the maladaptive patterns from their own childhood experiences

Although women had limited economic opportunities outside the home in the early years after the Islamic revolution, slowly they have been able to make gains in political and social arenas with increasing numbers of women serving in government and business positions. This was a direct result of much internal tension and debate between Islamic clerics and intellectual women in Iran. During this process Iranian women had to confront the patriarchal biases of Sharia law and adopted some Islamic feminist attitudes.

My mother is the editor of a literary magazine in Iran. During my interview with her she mentioned that families in Iran are rapidly transitioning from traditional to modern ways, including changes in gender roles and status in Iranian society. For example, during recent years, many of the bans against women have been abolished and replaced with more moderate laws. For instance, the family protection law of 1967, which granted men the right to an arbitrary divorce, was dismantled during recent years. In contrary to all this progress in creating equality regardless of gender, Iranian society remains highly collectivistic, maintaining social order through a gender hierarchy.

Gender roles are usually modified through relationships between individuals and their social environment. Although the patriarchal attitude in Iran limits women’s activities to those aligned with their traditional gender roles, immigration also leads to redistribution of power in the families. My aunt immigrated to the U.S. over 30 years ago, and during our interview she mentioned that immigration to the U.S. profoundly affected the lives of many of her close Iranian friends. Western gender values roles pose many challenges to Iranian newcomers, and can lead to separation of couples who are not ready to redefine their traditional relationships.

My experiences and views are different from this group of immigrants. I neither advocate for misogynistic model of gender relations defined by clerics in Iran nor do I approve of the disempowerment of men that often happens in Iranian immigrant families. Instead, I believe that power should be shared between both sexes. People should not be forced to rigidly conform to expe.

The relationship between power, marriage, and gender are strongly intertwined, impacting the relationship between individuals, their communities, and their government. Iranian family law has an uneven history. Until the early years of the 21st century, Islamic leaders had full control over marriage law. But Reza Shah Pahlavi, the first king of Pahlavi dynasty, established extensive legal reforms in Iran in hope of creating a secular judicial system. One of the main changes in the Iranian judicial system under Pahlavi was abolishing husbands’ rights to unconditional divorce and polygamy. Unfortunately, many of these laws were overturned after Islamic revolution of 1979. In addition to political influences, the physical and ethnic diversity of Iran has influenced the details of marriage ceremonies and family relationships in local areas and among major ethnic communities. In the past, mate selection was a familial and tribal action rather than a result of individual decision-making. However, during recent years Iran has witnessed a change in the process of mate selection, and individuals now typically choose their own partners.

Although marriage in Iran developed diverse patterns during recent years, still there is a persistent pressure on women to find a suitable partner and get married. Both of my parents are highly educated, and they have a modern attitude about marriage. My parents value education for women more than building a family, and they encourage me and my sister to pursue higher education in order to overcome Iranian gender inequality and discrimination.

Although my parents did not advocate early marriage for my sister and me, they have always encouraged us to count on our family as our primary psychological resource. My parents have always valued closeness with, loyalty to, and respect for my immediate family. In addition to my family, my culture also highlights the importance of having a close relationship with one’s family; Iranians tend to rely on family connections for security, influence and power. In addition, the often-conflicting values of bonding and mutual responsibility make sibling relationships complex in Iranian culture. Early on, my parents taught me that regardless of the situation, ties between siblings have to remain strong. When my sister and I got into fights, my mother would admonish both of us: me for not respecting my sister, and my older sister for not being a good role model. Although some parts of Iran still practice patriarchal values, my family has always considered girls and boys to be equal. In the past, children were perceived as valuable components of the family economy; children used to be the main source of old age security for their parents. Male children were traditionally considered more economically beneficial as there were fewer restrictions on their economic activities as young adults. These attitudes have been drastically changed by empowerment of women during recent years in Iran.

As I mentioned previously, my parents do not affiliate with any religious group. Part of their attitude about religion came from their childhood experiences under the Pahlavi regime. Since Pahlavi’s kings advocated for secularism, my parents did not receive any religious education. However I was born after the Islamic revolution and during my childhood, Iranian religious leaders called for the reestablishment of a Muslim Iranian culture in response to the westernized reforms of Pahlavi’s dynasty. Religious studies were made mandatory subjects throughout my education, which contributed to my negative attitude toward religion.

In contrast to my bias again Islamic practice in Iran, I have always been fascinated by Iranian culture and history. Iranians have a passion for literature and poetry. Since Iranians usually have close ties with their immediate and extended family members, elements of culture usually pass from one generation to another generation through family storytelling. This pattern is significantly different among Iranian-American immigrants. In general, first generation immigrations make an effort to retain and transmit some elements of their indigenous culture, but if they decide to stay in the country to which they have immigrated, the process of cultural transmission will be significantly altered for their future generations. Their Iranian cultural values compete with and adapt to the dominant cultural knowledge, in this case American cultural knowledge. Racial profiling and violent backlashes toward Middle Eastern immigrants leads Iranian immigrants to further dissociate themselves from their culture. Based on my observations of immigrant families, these cultural transitions lead second and third generation immigrants to gain only a vague notion of Iran and Iranian culture.

Attitudes toward aging and standards of beauty have also been significantly affected by Iranian-Americans’ acculturation process. Aging in Iranian culture is typically associated with the accumulation of wisdom and knowledge. The elderly are highly respected and usually perceived as community leaders in Iran. In contrary to this positive Iranian cultural attitude toward aging, western culture focuses on fighting the aging process. Mainstream American culture advocates youth and beauty as the sole source of value for individuals.

The concept of physical beauty and the fight against aging not only affected immigrant Iranians, it also shifted the Iranians’ attitudes (especially those of Iranian women) about the value of youth and beauty. Although women in Iran are typically inundated with ideological standards that emphasize values such as becoming better mothers, teachers, and wives, they have adopted many standards of beauty from western cultures. During my interview with my mother, she named several factors that play an important role in Iranian women adopting these westernized values. According to her, “Adopting the westernized value of beauty and anti-aging seems to deliver a sense of personal freedom to Iranian women and it gives voice to their opposition against patriarchal oppressions.” This kind of westernization has affected men as well as women; in recent decades, men have also begun to place more of an emphasis on the importance of physical beauty. However, Iranian culture equally values personal and occupational aspects of men’s lives, and as a result men feel less pressure to measure up to the westernized standards of beauty for men.

In addition to changes in the value of beauty during recent years, attitudes toward higher education have drastically changed during this period. Literacy rates have increased from 63% in 1990 to 76% in 2000. During the 2001-01 academic year, women comprised 50 percent of university students, whereas % of those who received admission to state universities were women. Although Islamic laws greatly limited women’s activities in the early years after the Iranian revolution, gradually society and government have shifted their attitudes regarding women’s rights and education.

As a result of these recent changes, today’s Iranian society views women as independent entities who are entitled to basic human rights, including the right to an education. However, the rising number of educated women in Iran has begun to push on cultural boundaries. As a result of these changes, educated Iranian women are transforming their traditional role in the family and society, questioning patriarchal values. Pursuing higher education also has been ranked as a priority for Iranian immigrants in the U.S.; Iranian immigrants have learned to fight against racial profiling and negative stereotypes by encouraging their children to pursing higher education.

In contrast to my culture’s strong emphasis on education, Iranians tend to devalue the importance of material wealth. According to our culture, real wealth comes from strong family bounds and human relationships. People tend to seek psychological comfort within their families, and they have strong community ties among themselves. The extended kinship network is a crucial component of each individual’s life even though the typical individual lives in a nuclear family. In Iranian culture if individual faces any hardship, instead of relying on their financial resources, they resolve it with the help of their support group and community.

Although strong community support plays an important role in maintaining the mental well being of individual community members, it has also affected how Iranians view the necessity of mental health practitioners. From the beginning of century till 1940s, insane asylums with poor conditions caused Iranians to develop negative attitudes about mental illness. The second period in changing the mental health system in Iran began in the 1940s when medical schools were established and psychiatry emerged as a branch of modern medicine. During the 1970s, the Iranian government established a comprehensive mental health care system for community mental health care and rehabilitation of disabled individuals. The last period started in October 1986, when a team of multidisciplinary professionals developed a national program of mental health with the goal of increasing the knowledge and expertise of mental health workers. Especially during recent years, as a result of the modernization of Iranian society and changes in education, Iranians have developed a greater awareness about how mental health services can improve people’s lives.